Losing ‘Fatafat’ Poll After Poll, Oppn Netas Flounder

Be it in Delhi, UP, AP or elsewhere, they seem to suffer from overconfidence, arrogance, and a disconnect from ground realities. These parties exist in an isolated political bubble, and seem to resist any change for the better. Groping in the dark for issues, they are latching on to frivolous allegations to defame governments. Their baseless charges will not cut ice with the people who are bogged down in a plethora of issues. After accusing the BJP of orchestrating ‘Operation Lotus’ to poach its MLAs, alleging that 15 to 20 of its candidates were offered Rs 15 crore each to switch sides, AAP leaders are on the back foot now as Lt General has ordered an ACB probe. In UP, SP claims the EC is ‘dead.’ Is EC dead when they lose, and alive when they win polls? In Maha, Rahul alleges the state has more registered voters than its total population. In AP, Jagan Reddy thinks he will romp home if elections are held now, and will rule for 30 years. It is time the opposition leaders weaved a cohesive and credible narrative to win back public confidence.

Should the media continue to focus excessively on the Congress party and Rahul Gandhi when the electorate was ‘Fatafat’ rejecting them?

Many readers argue that such coverage is unwarranted, given the party’s failure to evolve into a mass movement that is truly connected to the people.

While this sentiment holds merit, political turbulence in the country cannot be ignored. Beyond Congress at the national level, regional parties like YSRCP in Andhra Pradesh, BRS in Telangana, AAP in Delhi, and the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh also suffer from similar issues — overconfidence, arrogance, and a disconnect from ground realities. These parties exist in an isolated political bubble, resisting necessary change.

As election results approached, Delhi became a stage for high political drama. AAP accused BJP of orchestrating ‘Operation Lotus’ to poach its MLAs, alleging that 15 to 20 members were offered Rs 15 crore each to switch sides. AAP claimed the BJP sought to weaken its position based on the assumption that the party would lose the elections, promising defectors a place in the new government.

The timing of these allegations — just a day before the results —raised eyebrows. The BJP dismissed the AAP claims as part of its ‘shoot and scoot’ strategy. In response, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal lodged a complaint with the Delhi Lt Governor, prompting an immediate Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) probe. However, the AAP expressed dissatisfaction with the swiftness of the investigation, calling it biased.

The AAP further accused the BJP of its “decade-old dirty game” of destabilising opposition governments. However, a crucial question arises: why would the BJP attempt poaching before the elections? Did it have prior knowledge of AAP’s winning or losing candidates? Since those allegedly approached were still candidates, not elected MLAs, such accusations seem premature. Typically, horse-trading concerns arise post-election, when the composition of the legislature is clear. This suggests the AAP might be pre-emptively crafting a narrative to justify a potential defeat.

The BJP countered the AAP claims by highlighting Kejriwal’s history of similar allegations. In 2019, Kejriwal claimed the BJP offered Rs 10 crore to seven MLAs. By 2024, this figure jumped to Rs 25 crore, and now, in 2025, the alleged bribes stand at Rs 15 crore per candidate. The BJP mocked the fluctuating “rates,” suggesting they rise with inflation.

In Delhi, political analysts noted that until February 1, both male and female voters leaned toward the AAP. However, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s tax relief measures in the Union Budget shifted a significant section of male voters, particularly employees and senior citizens, towards the BJP, while over 50% of female voters remained loyal to AAP. Some experts predict a hung assembly, while others anticipate a clear BJP victory.

AAP, which initially dismissed exit polls, appeared visibly anxious by Friday. Adding to its troubles, AAP contradicted itself by claiming central agencies were “sold out to the BJP” while simultaneously demanding an independent probe into the alleged poaching scandal. When asked about alternative investigative options, AAP sarcastically suggested involving an “international agency.”

The party’s frustration deepened when the ACB visited Kejriwal’s residence for questioning, fueling speculation that the central government was attempting to arrest him to influence the elections. Meanwhile, the ACB reportedly sought phone records to verify the alleged poaching calls.

Meanwhile, Rahul Gandhi, instead of addressing Congress’ prospects in Delhi, attributed his party’s loss in Maharashtra to alleged voter list anomalies. He claimed the state had more registered voters than its total population. When asked why Congress did not challenge the Election Commission (EC) earlier, Rahul offered a vague response, saying they had received a “decentralised list” and were now demanding a “centralised list.” Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis dismissed these claims, noting that the EC had already addressed such concerns in the past. According to him, Congress was merely engaging in damage control after another electoral debacle.

Congress ally, Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, went further, declaring that the EC was “dead.” This raises the question: when did the EC ‘die’? Was it alive when the SP won a significant number of seats in the UP Assembly elections, only to ‘die’ during the Maharashtra polls? This echoes the familiar pattern where EVMs are accused of malfunctioning only when opposition parties lose, but are deemed reliable when they win.

In Andhra Pradesh, YSRCP leader and former Chief Minister Jagan Mohan Reddy appears to have learned little from past mistakes. He admitted that during his first term, he prioritised welfare schemes over party workers. Now, he claims that if elections were held today, YSRCP would return to power and rule for the next 30 years, with a renewed focus on party workers.

This statement, however, suggests that he may prioritise the party cadre over the general public — a costly miscalculation. His hopes for early elections seem unrealistic, given the stability of the alliance government in the state. Moreover, his reluctance to attend Assembly sessions and directly challenge the government raises concerns about his political strategy.

In Telangana, another intriguing scenario unfolds. Despite being the Leader of Opposition, BRS chief KCR consistently skips Assembly sessions, undermining democratic institutions.

This disregard for parliamentary responsibilities insults both the Constitution and the voters who elected him. Opposition parties’ repeated theatrics, coupled with their failure to present a united front against the BJP, only weaken their credibility.

If opposition parties are serious about challenging the BJP, they must abandon these distractions and adopt a more issue-based, people-centric approach. Otherwise, their political irrelevance will only deepen.