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Six hurdles on the way of KCR's BRS
Indian politics has become dull and drab with the BJP’s one-upmanship, the Congress party’s efforts for revival, the Communists’ struggle for existence and the regional parties’ insoluble dilemmaof partnership (either to sail with the BJP or the INC)
Indian politics has become dull and drab with the BJP's one-upmanship, the Congress party's efforts for revival, the Communists' struggle for existence and the regional parties' insoluble dilemmaof partnership (either to sail with the BJP or the INC). At a time when every political boss was spending sleepless nights to keep the flock together and every political party was keeping a tab on the prospective ditchers, fence-sitters and traitors following the BJP's grand political schemes, Telangana Chief MinisterK.Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), mustered courage to spring a political surprise. Blessed with ample political experience, the gift of the gab and more importantly abundant resources, KCR is the only Indian politician who has guts to talk about an anti-BJP and anti-Congress alliance. KCR took up the slogan 'BJP-mukth Bharat' in the second half the last year after his bonhomie with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to an end for unknown reasons. Notwithstanding a strong anti-incumbency wave back home, KCR knocked on the doors of every politician worth his or her salt in the country in his bid to form an alliance against the two colossal forces, the BJP and the INC.
He showcasedgrand schemes such as rythu bandhu, free power, and irrigation facilities as his success mantras and promised to extend them to all parts of the country. Even as the Telangana government employees were not paid salaries on time, the maverick politician visited key northern States to distribute handsome amounts to the bereaved families of farmers and soldiers, in an attempt to project himself as a national satrap. Criticism, ridicule and embarrassment notwithstanding, KCR showed courage to convert his 21-year-old TRS into Bharat Rashtra Samithi(BRS).
It's indeed a great political adventure made by any politician in the country. Being a keen follower of the attempts made by various politicians of South to make a mark in national politics so far and as someone who has high regard for the political acumen and daredevilish attitude of KCR, I don't find fault with his national ambition. I see no harm in making an attempt and politics is the art of the possible, the attainable, as Otto von Bismarck, who was responsible for transforming a collection of small German states into the German empire, and was its first chancellor, observed. Time and again it is proved that impossible is possible in politics.
But, alas, I have yet to come across anyone who has wholeheartedly applaudedKCR's decision to go nationalat this juncture. If the launch of the national office of the BRS in the national capital is considered as the precise transition point of the popular TRS into BRS on December 14, 2022, the pink party has already complete 1.5 months. Uncertainty and ambiguity still loom large over the BRS agenda and its plan to spread to various States. Following are the six key questions the BRS ought to solve to become a force to reckon with at national level.
1) Have cadres and leaders owned it?
For a successful product launch, the first90-100 days is a real golden period to send the message across the masses and to create a big buzz. Given the fact that any product launch tasks are usually broken down into three stages (pre-launch, launch and post-launch), the BRS should have created a mark by now. There was a grand launch but the pre-launch exercise had gone amiss. The erstwhile TRS cadres were not taken into account before renouncing the key word 'Telangana' from the party name. The idea of BRS hasn't trickled down among the party cadres and leaders so far. They don't have any clue as to why the boss changed the name and what is in his mind. Even the hardcore TRS activists and leaders too have not digested the idea of BRS and there is no proper campaign to create an impact in the minds of pink brigade about the national ambition. For instance, the party is also in dire need of spokespersons. Dasoju Sravan Kumar, who was roped into the TRS from the BJP during Munugode by-election, is the only ray of hope to voice the party stand at national level. It all shows lack of proper groundwork before the launch.
2) What is Telangana model?
Catch hold of anyone around you and ask him or her as to what is 'Telangana model of development', the word used and reused umpteen number of times in media, especially on social media. If you ask the same question to a BRS activist, he may proudly list out the State government's four or five big ticket welfare schemes. It's not at all sufficient. The opposition's Telangana model consists of family rule, dictatorship, poor economic performance, largescale borrowings, pumping of money into vote-bank centric schemes, completely neglecting health and education sectors, unreliable job notifications and so on.KCR should have released at least a two-page document on Telangana model of development for the sake of common public across the nation.
3) Where is the national narrative/agenda
KCR was aided by a high-quality intellectuals and academicians during the movement for separate Telangana to create a powerful narrative. Almost all of them deserted him because of a huge gap between their expectation and his deliverance. The deadly delay in formulating and pronouncingthe BRS' national agenda on various issues is a cause for concern for the party cadres and leaders. For instance, KCR made it a point to fire salvoes on 'the BJP's highly divisive communal politics' while blamingthe Modi's government failure to catch up with the neighbouring China. Logistically, both the key issues may prove detrimental for KCR because of the current socio-political situation in the country.
4) Who and where are reliable partners?
Every new project, product or political party is bound to face teething troubles but a well-thought-out plan is required to overcome it. It is disheartening to see the lukewarm response to KCR's fervent appeal to the leaders of the other States to attend his programmes to establish himself as a national leader. In the name of 'kanti velugu' programme, KCR conducted a mammoth public meeting at Khammam but no CM or ex CM declared him as their leader in their speeches. Two powerful CMs-Mamata Benarjee of West Bengal and Nitish Kumar of Bihar-are not in a position to share dais with KCR, forget about accepting him as their leader. They were conspicuous by their abasence. Arvind Kejriwal of Delhi and Bhagwant Mann of Punjab are showing some respect to KCR but their party, AAP, itself is keen on enlarging its base in various States where anti-incumbency is very strong, including Telangana. BRS is making all out efforts to invite as many leaders as possible to mark the inaugural of the new secretariate building in Hyderabad on February 17, the birthday of KCR. He is highly relaying on Bihar's Tejashwi Yadav. The CMs of the neighbouring States and heads of regional parties like YS Jaganmohan Reddy (Andhra Pradesh) and Naveen Patnaik (Odisha)are staying away from the grand mission of the Telangana CM.
5) How to deal with national issues?
It's clear that KCR is in search of a very strongnarrative to come back to power for the third time in row. His elusive narrative is centred against Modi with an aim of 'bringing in qualitative change' in the country. On the face of it, KCR doesn't have many takers in North India, particularly in what is known as cow belt, which is presently dominated by the BJP, the Congress and the respective regional satraps. Adding to it, KCR's credentials as the Union Minister are not up to the mark and many leaders, including Sonia Gandhi, were reportedly upset with his blow hot and cold attitude. Politics in major states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Gujarat is caste-dominated and OBCs, Bhumihars, Jhats, Dalits and Brahmins, play a decisive role. Even in States like Punjab and Haryana, caste plays a role. KCR has to go a long way to understand the respective local political dynamics, before venturing into these States.
His rhetoric of 'qualitative change' may not work in such States. If KCR thinks that Modi-baiting without substantial allegations would get him mileage, he is absolutely wrong. It ill behoves any 'desh ki netha' to make sweeping statements on constitution, avoid meeting the elected PM, belittle the Governor's office and bunk the prestigious G-20 meeting for petty political reasons. KCR, who had run the show without a cabinet for a couple of months, fell in line after the court's intervention on the upcoming budget. Such sensitive issues related to democratic traditions and conventions can be avoided for the time-being as part of image building at national level.
6) How to solve inter-State disputes?
KCR, a champion of a separate State based on the alleged injustice done by a particular region, is in a tricky situation in dealing with inter-State issues.
There are contentious inter-state issues across the country, including between Telangana and AP and there is no broader policy so far for BRS on such issues. It will be very easy for AP, Karnataka and Maharashtra leaders to make KCR a villain by highlighting contentious water projects. That too BJP-friendly neighbouring States would not be sympathetic towards KCR for various reasons. It's not too late for KCR to go for a quick course correction to achieve the aims and objectives, if any, of his national party. The success of the BRS depends on how KCR is going to fix the issues with practical and pragmatic approach as early as possible.
(The author, a Ph.D. in Communication and Journalism, is a senior journalist, journalism educator, and communication consultant)
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